In late October 2026, El Salvador deployed roughly 2,000 soldiers—later approaching 2,500—to Haiti after four of its aviation technicians serving with the UN-backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) went missing following a gang ambush on October 18 in Croix-des-Bouquets, near Port-au-Prince. President Nayib Bukele framed the operation primarily as a rescue effort while also promising to confront the gangs that have terrorized the country. Haitian authorities cooperated, and El Salvador has covered the bulk of the costs (about 90 percent, according to Bukele).
What stands out is the visible support from many ordinary Haitians. Videos shared by Bukele and local reports show residents in Port-au-Prince and surrounding areas greeting Salvadoran patrols, offering water, cheering, and chanting the Salvadoran president’s name. Demonstrations in the capital and cities such as Jérémie and Belladère have called on the troops to accelerate operations against the armed groups controlling large parts of the capital and key routes. Signs and slogans have included appeals along the lines of “Bukele, Haiti belongs to you” and demands that the gangs be dismantled so people can live without fear.
Haitians living in the Dominican Republic have expressed similar views. In interviews, merchants and others described the situation at home as unsustainable and said the population largely backs Bukele’s approach. One said he believed “99 percent” of Haitians support the effort; others described themselves as “more than happy” that the Salvadorans had arrived to confront groups that have made normal life impossible. Former Haitian officials have noted that the population sees the presence positively, drawing parallels to earlier foreign security contributions that were initially welcomed.
This reception reflects deep exhaustion with years of gang dominance. Armed groups, including coalitions such as Viv Ansanm, control an estimated 80–90 percent of the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area and have expanded into other departments. UN figures document thousands of deaths and injuries annually from gang violence and related fighting, widespread sexual violence, kidnappings, and mass displacement affecting well over a million people. Previous international efforts, including the earlier Kenya-led Multinational Security Support Mission that evolved into the understaffed GSF, have not reversed the territorial gains of the gangs. Elections have been repeatedly delayed amid the insecurity.
Bukele’s record at home explains much of the appeal. Since taking office in 2019 and especially after declaring a state of emergency in 2022, his government has carried out mass arrests of suspected gang members (tens of thousands), sharply reducing El Salvador’s once-extreme homicide rate. While human-rights organizations have criticized due-process issues and conditions of detention, the drop in violence has been dramatic and popular domestically. Many Haitians, facing daily insecurity their own institutions have failed to contain, view the same hardline approach as a potential path out of a crisis that has persisted since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse and the subsequent collapse of effective state control in much of the capital.
Bukele has addressed Haitians directly in Haitian Creole. In messages posted in late October and early November, he stated that El Salvador has “no interest in coming to dominate the Haitian people, nor in laying hands on Haiti’s wealth,” that this is “not an operation against the Haitian people, nor an invasion,” and that the forces will return home once the mission ends. He has framed the fight as one against “satanic” gangs and against those he calls “traitors” who betray the legacy of independence leader Jean-Jacques Dessalines by arming, financing, or collaborating with the gangs. “We are on the same side as you,” he has written. “We will help you take back the country… And, finally, Haiti will be free.” He has also urged Haitians to reclaim control of their communities.
Haiti’s interim leadership, including Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, has engaged with Bukele and publicly noted coordination involving the Haitian National Police, the armed forces, the GSF, and the Salvadoran contingent. Logistical support has come from the United States, Colombia, and the Dominican Republic. Bukele has said he consulted U.S. President Donald Trump, who reportedly responded with words to the effect of “do what you have to do.”
The operation is still in its early weeks. Salvadoran forces have conducted patrols and engaged gangs; reports indicate some gang members killed and indications that certain armed groups are under pressure. Questions remain about precise rules of engagement, the chain of command relative to the GSF, civilian protection, and long-term duration. Bukele has tied a full withdrawal to the safe return of the four technicians and has warned of stronger action if they are not recovered alive. Some human-rights observers and analysts have raised concerns about accountability in a country with a history of problematic foreign interventions, while noting that the scale of the deployment (now comparable to or larger than the existing GSF presence) goes beyond a pure rescue mission.
For many Haitians on the streets and in the diaspora, however, the arrival of forces associated with a leader who has demonstrated the ability to suppress gangs has been met with relief and open encouragement rather than suspicion. In a country where previous efforts have repeatedly fallen short and where ordinary people continue to suffer killings, displacement, and the loss of basic freedom of movement, the willingness to try a different, more decisive approach has generated visible public backing for Bukele’s mission. Whether that support translates into lasting security gains will depend on results on the ground in the weeks and months ahead.
SOURCES:
Bukele’s gang offensive goes abroad as El Salvador rushes troops to Haiti | Reuters
Haitians Roll Out Welcome Mat For Bukele’s Anti-Gang Forces | The Daily Caller
Haitianos consultados en República Dominicana apoyan presencia militar salvadoreña, pero pidieron evitar víctimas civiles durante operativos – Infobae
Salvadoran military intervention in Haiti – Wikipedia
Bukele Addresses Haitian People, Vowing El Salvador’s Support to Help Haiti Reclaim Its Freedom and Heritage – El Salvador in English
Nayib Bukele: “No tenemos ningún interés ni en venir a dominar al pueblo haitiano, ni en poner las manos sobre las riquezas de Haití” – Infobae
Bukele Frames El Salvador’s Haiti Mission as a Divine Fight Against “Satanic” Gangs – El Salvador in English
